THE NATURE AND MANAGEMENT OF CONFLICTS IN ONITSHA MAIN MARKET, ANAMBRA STATE, NIGERIA
Abstract
This study of trade related conflict and its resolution in Nigeria’s market was prompted by the needs of policy makers concerned with improving market access for the poor. There is a lack of published material analysing links between trade/markets and conflict development/conflict resolution. The study is based on a literature review, a small number of interviews in Onitsha market. Tensions emanating from deep-seated structural factors are implicated in many recent trade-related conflicts in Nigeria. Resource-based struggles around access to land and employment, complicated by environmentally and conflict-induced migration (with consequent indigene-settler divisions) and with outcomes reflected in major ethnic income differentials, have formed the seed-bed for much recent conflict. Where youth unemployment is a contributory factor to conflict, an element of political manipulation of religious/ethnic divisions through patronclient relationships is particularly common. The study also found that there are widespread cases of tensions and conflict between traders and the state, over high levels of levies and lack of investment in market infrastructure. This can be avoided or reduced by encouraging the private ownership and management of markets
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
The role of trade and markets in both conflict development and conflict resolution has received minimal attention in the literature on conflict and on development (Anderson 1999). However, this emerged as an important issue in the small field study of market institutions. Trade and markets are meeting points for diverse ethnic and social groups. There is strong potential for a range of trade-related issues to lead to conflict (Jhadu, 1990). The role of trade in conflict creation is particularly obvious when the market place itself becomes a site of strife. However, issues embedded in trading relationships and practices may permeate and become manifest in many conflict situations.
Nigeria’s goods marketing chains are complex networks extending across the country, and often involving diverse ethnic, religious and social groups. For the most part these linkages work extremely effectively, drawing on substantial inter-ethnic and inter-religious cooperation, often built up over generations. Cooperative relationships are cemented by participating in ceremonies (marriages, funerals etc.), by home visits, sometimes even by inter-marriage. Ethnic and sub-ethnic political leaders have often supported such relationships by playing brokerage and bring building functions across the ethnic divides (Jinadu 2002). Accommodation, compromise and cooperation have thus helped to build crucial coalitions: essential components of a long-standing, resilient livelihood strategy.
Another feature of agricultural produce chains in Nigeria is their gendered nature. Women traders play a crucial role in many West African markets and women dominated market institutions help regulate trade, arguably to the benefit of traders and consumers, both male and female (Clarke 1994 etc. and numerous other studies). Although much of women’s involvement is at the lower levels, notably in retail trade, where lack of capital (a common problem for West African women) is less of a barrier to entry, there are still many women who play a significant role in wholesaling (though less commonly as brokers). As in the case of ethnicity, it would seem that gender relations in trade are generally uncontroversial. Indeed, gender issues very rarely incite trade conflict. For the most part, women across Nigeria appear to view their role in trade as complementary to – as opposed to competing with – that of their men folk (Porter 1988).
At the same time, market interactions and trading relationships of groups who might otherwise be in conflict (including different ethnic groups) would also seem to be a factor facilitating reconciliation. Disputing groups may need to work together to secure their individual livelihoods and particular individuals may act as “connectors” in this respect (Anderson, 1999).
A distinction needs to be made at the outset between different types of business and their potential to create and fuel conflict. In Nigeria, the role of larger oil related corporations in creating and fuelling conflict has received considerable attention (Human Rights Watch 2003). However, many of the economic pressures and difficulties leading to conflict relate not only to major international companies but also to small and micro-enterprises (Concepcion 2003) such as those operated by the majority of traders in the agricultural produce trade.
Nigeria’s goods marketing chains are dominated by micro enterprises and the self- employed, whether they are farmers, traders or transporters. A key characteristic of these enterprises in Nigeria (and much of Africa), is the high level of ‘informality’, such as limited tax paying, avoidance of regulations, and elements of illegality (Banfield 2003)
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